Social Science Journal for Advanced Research

2. Review of Related Literature

The men from poorer households, from larger households, and the “lagging” states have a higher probability of undertaking temporary migration out of rural areas (Kavi & Viswanathan, 2013). The study found that the immigrants had less education and lower incomes, they were more likely to receive public transfers, and they were more likely to have frequent episodes of unemployment (Milewski & Doblhammer, 2015). Muslim migrant families in India show no significant economic disparity compared to others in both rural and urban areas. Scheduled Caste (SC) migrant households are poorer in rural areas but better off in urban settings, while Scheduled Tribe (ST) migrant households are consistently poorer in both rural and urban areas (Sengupta, 2013). Another exemplary work in relation to brain drain is Egypt experiencing a brain drain, primarily driven by the permanent migration of young, highly educated individuals (Nassar, 2005). Egyptian migration, both internal and international, is driven by the need to escape poverty and poor economic development, serving as a survival strategy to reduce risks rather than maximize benefits (Zohry, 2009).

Student migration in Northeast India, a patriarchal society, is mainly urban-centric and male-dominated (Mistri and Sardar, 2022). Borah (2022) states that migrants in Assam maintained strong relationships with their origins and that those with stronger ties are more inclined to return during times of crisis. An analysis of migration reasons indicates that study and employment opportunities play a much larger role in driving migration in the Northeastern states than in the rest of India (Lalrampuii, 2016). Migration from the Northeast is driven by high unemployment, limited access to civil service jobs, and changing aspirations for better livelihoods (McDuie-Ra, 2012). Significant migration from Northeast India to cities like Delhi, Bangalore, and Mumbai for employment and education has altered urban population patterns and contributed to a "brain drain" in the region (Ozah, 2022). Their migration from tribal to non-tribal areas in Northeast India is primarily searching for job and educational opportunities (Mistri, 2022). Small ethnic communities in Northeast India are increasingly concerned about being overwhelmed by large inflows of migrants, leading to calls for stricter migration restrictions and management in the region (Lusome & Bhagat, 2020).

In the 1971 census, an additional question on the place of last residence was introduced in migration data collection. Since then, the census has provided data on migrants based on place of birth (POB) and place of last residence (POLR). If the place of birth or place of last residence is different from the place of enumeration, a person is defined as a migrant. On the other hand, if the place of birth or place of last residence and place of enumeration are the same, the person is a non-migrant. This study employed both the descriptive and the logistic regression model comparing male and female migrants in rural and urban areas.

5. Empirical Analysis

The Northeastern Region (NER) of India, strategically located near Bangladesh, Myanmar, and China, is home to a diverse mix of ethnicities and religions. The region experiences a large influx of migrants from other parts of India and neighbouring countries. This population shift has triggered major social and economic challenges disrupting social harmony, disproportionately impacting vulnerable groups, and fostering the growth of organized crime in the region.

Source: Census 2011

Figure 1 illustrates the percentage of migrant inflow and outflow between the NER states of India and the rest of the country. Here, the term inflow represents people migrating into the states from the rest of India and outflow represents people leaving the state to other parts of India. Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, and Meghalaya experience higher inflow rates than outflow. Tripura, and Assam have relatively balanced inflow and outflow rates. Manipur and Mizoram have the highest rate of outflow in the region. Outflows constitute 75 and 68 percent while inflow constitute 25 and 32 percent. In overall, the NER has nearly balanced inflow (52%) and outflow (48%) migration rates.

Source: PLFS (2020-21)

Table 1 provides insights into state-wise migration patterns in Northeast India characterized by intra-district, inter-district, inter-state, and international migration for rural and urban populations. Assam and Tripura have the highest migration rates within their districts in rural areas with figures of 55.99 percent and 48.26 percent respectively. Meghalaya has a high intra-district migration rate of 47.80 percent in urban areas, indicating that urban residents often move within the same district, possibly due to housing, employment, or education. Meanwhile, Mizoram shows high mobility between urban centers within the state with a rate of 48.07 percent, suggesting that people in urban areas are more likely to move to different districts within the state, potentially due to job opportunities in other urban centers. Manipur stands out with an exceptional case of a 100 percent inter-state urban migration rate, indicating that all migrants in the state from urban areas have reallocated out of their home state.

Across all states, international migration remains quite low, with the highest being in Tripura (3.23 percent) and Sikkim (0.96 percent). This suggests that though international migration does happen, it is not a significant trend in these Northeastern states.

The overall trend in Northeast India shows that intra-district migration is the most common type, especially in rural areas (46.10 percent), followed by inter-district migration (20.39 percent). Interstate and international migrations are less common.

Manipur experiences an unexpectedly low migration rate across all categories among India's Northeastern States (NES) (Table 3). In Meghalaya, a notable disparity can be depicted in migration rates between males and females. The migration rate for rural males is significantly high at 37.21 percent, while for females it is much lower at 2.05 percent. This indicates that men are more inclined to leave, possibly for work or education, while women are more likely to stay. The presence of the matriarchal society in the state could certainly have an impact on this. We know, Meghalaya is known for its matrilineal system, particularly among the Khasi, Jaintia, and Garo tribes where lineage and inheritance are traced through the female line. Assam stands out with a very high migration rate for females, especially in rural areas (58.27 percent). This could be influenced by marriage migration or other socio-cultural influences. More female migrants are evident in Arunachal Pradesh, Tripura, and Assam.

Source: PLFS (2020-21) 

Manipur shows a high percentage of migration for job-related reasons (50 percent), which is the most significant factor in the state (table 4). This suggests that employment opportunities are a major driver of migration in Manipur. Meghalaya has the highest percentage of study-related migration (11.37 percent) among the NES, indicating that education is a significant factor in migration within the state. Assam (86.52 percent), Tripura (70.85 percent), and Arunachal Pradesh (70.06 percent) have very high rates of migration due to marriage. This is typical in many parts of India, where women traditionally move to their husband's home after marriage. Migration for social or political reasons is generally low across the states, with a slight presence in Sikkim (2.56 percent) and Tripura (2.42 percent).

The relatively high self-employment rate indicates entrepreneurial activity, while the low percentage of regular wage earners, casual labor, and unemployment suggests limited availability or uptake of temporary employment opportunities.

Source: PLFS (2020-21)

Figure 4 illustrates the educational attainment levels among the migrants in the NER of India. A small but notable segment of migrants lacks formal education. The largest group of migrants has completed middle-level education, representing almost a third of the migrant population in Northeast India. The negligible presence of diploma holders and postgraduates highlights a potential skills gap in the migration dynamics of the region. The high representation of middle and higher secondary education levels suggests that migration may be partly driven by the search for employment or higher studies after completing basic education.

This binary logit regression model (Table 5) examines the likelihood of a migrant being female, as opposed to male, based on various household and individual characteristics. In rural Northeast India, larger households are less likely to have female migrants. Larger households may have more male members migrating for work, leaving behind women to manage the home. This aligns with patterns in patriarchal societies where men often migrate for employment while women manage larger families. In rural households, women are typically expected to stay back to handle domestic responsibilities, especially in larger families. Male members are more likely to migrate for work or education. On the other hand, in more advanced and urbanized regions, women are getting equal opportunities as men in terms of economy or education. This may be one of the reasons behind the higher chance of migration for female individuals in urban Northeast India.

A diminishing effect at higher ages indicates that the probability of being a female migrant decrease at higher ages. While younger age groups are predominantly male likely driven by labor migration or education, females tend to migrate for marriage, often in their 20s or early 30s. Married migrants are predominantly female, as marriage is a key driver of female migration in rural areas, reflecting traditional patriarchal norms where women move to join their husband's families.

Female migration is more common among Hindu and Muslim migrants in rural areas, driven by marriage and family reunification. Muslim migrants show the highest likelihood of being female, while Christian migrants are slightly less likely to be female, reflecting socio-cultural norms favoring male economic migration.

Migrants from Scheduled Tribes are more likely to be female in rural NER of India. Women in tribal communities often migrate for marriage or seasonal work, as gender roles may be more fluid compared to other communities. In tribal communities, gender roles tend to be more egalitarian, allowing women to migrate for work, marriage, or education. Seasonal migration for agricultural labor is also common among tribal women. OBC migrants also show a higher probability of being female, though the effect is smaller compared to STs. Other Backward Classes (OBC) women are more likely to migrate, reflecting social norms where marriage or family responsibilities drive female migration. Migration patterns within SC communities may not exhibit significant gender bias. This neutrality may result from economic necessities that require both men and women to migrate, particularly for labor work.

All the categories under the employment status show negative coefficients, indicating that migrants engaged in any form of employment (self-employed, regular wage earners, casual laborers) are significantly less likely to be female. This underscores the dominance of economic motives in male migration, while female migration is less linked to employment. Female migrants in rural areas are significantly less likely to be employed compared to males. Rural male migration is predominantly work-driven, while female migration is more family or marriage-related. Women migrating from rural areas for employment are rare, especially in male-dominated labor sectors like construction or agricultural seasonal work.

6. Conclusion and Policy Implication

The border regions of the Northeastern states influence migration dynamics, blending socioeconomic aspirations with cultural and security issues. Many people from Northeast India migrate to larger cities in and outside the country for education, employment, and better living conditions due to limited opportunities within the state. The concentration of economic activities in the valley compared to the hilly areas creates uneven development. This drives migration from underdeveloped hill districts to urban centers in the plains. Prolonged periods of insurgency and ethnic conflicts have pushed people, especially from vulnerable sections of society to migrate in search of livelihood, safety and stability.

Intra-district migration holds significant importance in Northeastern India, especially in states like Assam and Tripura, shaping the region's demographic landscape. This trend may indicate a dependence on local resources and opportunities within districts. The spatial pattern of migration in North-East India continues to evolve, influenced by socio-economic changes, political developments, and globalization.

Balancing the benefits of migration with the protection of indigenous rights and culture remains a critical challenge. Policies should promote education for rural women to address early marriage and encourage economic migration, while also strengthening rural employment schemes like MNREGA to reduce migration driven by economic necessity.

7. Limitation of the Study

Given that the focus is on the Northeastern Region of India, there is a need for a national-level analysis using secondary data to gain valuable insights into the characteristics of migrants. Furthermore, there is a requirement for additional research that integrates both primary and secondary data effectively.

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