Social Science Journal for Advanced Research

1. Introduction

The Ahoms, a Tai-speaking people, migrated from present-day Yunnan in China and established a powerful and enduring kingdom in the Brahmaputra Valley of Assam during the early 13th century under the leadership of Sukapha. After his arrival in 1228 CE and the subsequent foundation of the Ahom polity, the Paik system was established as a foundational administrative institution that underpinned the kingdom’s governance and economy for nearly six centuries. This system, based on forced labour and military conscription, was instrumental in consolidating Ahom authority and integrating local tribal populations. Evolving through complex interactions with indigenous communities of southeastern regions of the Brahmaputra Valley, the Paik system came to define the socio-political framework of the Ahom. It organized adult males, known as paiks, into basic units called gots, each comprising four men, and into larger occupational groups known as khels. In exchange for their service, paiks were granted land and certain privileges. Over time, the assimilation of various indigenous communities into their structure fostered a unique socio-political order that sustained Ahom rule for centuries. (Bhuyan S. K., 1985, p. 153)

This study is based on the Buranji records preserved by the Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, Guwahati, which investigates the impact of the system on the everyday lives of common people, focusing on collective labour, the allocation of land, and the distribution of communal responsibilities. It delves into the internal structuring of the paik workforce, organized into groups like gots and khels, and further categorized into Chamua, Kanri, and occupational khels by reflecting underlying social hierarchies, entitlements, and limitations. The dynamics between the state and the paiks are examined through the lens of land tenure, mobility, and their interactions with local authorities. The paper aims to show how the system, while nurturing mutual dependence, social cohesion, and a collective identity, also restricted individual economic choices and upward mobility, thus exposing a socio-economic framework characterized by both cooperation and inequality. This paper highlights the systematic organization of adult males into khels, each designated for specific state services such as

Paiks were classified into two main categories: Chamua and Kanri. (Guha, 1991, p. 52) Chamua paiks, of higher status, were generally exempt from personal service (Bhuyan S., 1933, p. xxix) and performed specialized or administrative functions. Many Chamua khels, especially those of farmers or artisans, resembled occupational guilds. In contrast, the Kanri paiks, who made up the majority of the peasantry, were subject to manual service but retained rights over their homesteads and agricultural land. Though not legally tied to a fixed location, they were bound to state service. Notably, Kanri paiks enjoyed certain privileges, including the right to cultivate a portion of the khel land and to collectively petition for the removal of unpopular officers. (Guha, 1991, p. 52)

The Ahom administration maintained a tight chain of command over the paik population. A Bora oversaw twenty paiks, a Saikia one hundred, a Hazarika one thousand, and a Phukan governed six thousand. Larger khels, such as those of boat-builders, were under managed by Phukans (e.g., Naosaliya Phukan), while smaller ones, like the bowmakers came under Baruas (e.g., Dhenu-chocha Barua). Rajkhowas, a distinct category of officers, were placed in charge of defined territories and could exercise judicial powers over a maximum of three thousand paiks. (Baruah, 1986, pp. 393-394) These officials were allotted rent-free lands, cultivated by the paiks under their jurisdiction, and they received gifts from the subordinates and junior officers. (Hamilton, 1940, p. 23)

This administrative structure fostered social cohesion. Members of a got, often not related by blood, supported each other by tending to each other’s households and agricultural work during state service. Upon returning, paiks shared information about the state, thereby promoting knowledge exchange and reinforcing community bonds. (Rajguru, 1988, p. 239)

3. Khel System

The khel system, integral to the Ahom revenue administration, required all able-bodied men to perform personal service in return for land grants. Each paik was allotted a share of ga-mati-two puras (1 pura = 1 ¼ acres) of rupit or cultivable land. Initially, khels were organized by profession or craft, but during the reign of Chakradhavaj Singha (1663-1669 A.D.) they expanded to include diverse occupational groups.

The status of ordinary paiks was significantly lower than that of those in professional khels or artisan groups. While professional khel members often retained a degree of independence even after fulfilling their obligations, ordinary paiks functioned as temporary state employees under direct administrative control. Though they could hold minor official posts, they lacked the autonomy and privileges afforded to skilled artisan.

A clear promotional hierarchy existed within the paik system. Individuals who demonstrated merit and improvement could be promoted: a paik could become a Kari, and a Kari could be elevated to a Chamua. Kari paiks, who held specific roles, were sometimes exempt from manual labour and could be reassigned from their original khels into the Chamuas. These promotions required formal recognition, often by the monarch. A Kari’s elevation was only complete when his name was officially transferred from the Kari to the Chamua register; without this administrative change, he remained a Kari. (Goswami, 1986, pp. 59-60)

5. The Socio-Economic Condition of the Paiks

Among the earliest communities to fall under Ahom rule were the Morans and the Barahis, tribal groups engaged in subsistence production based on collective land ownership, hunting, fishing, and forest gathering. These groups lacked centralized political structures. (Baruah, 1986, p. 391) The Ahoms Sali kheti, a wet rice cultivation method far more efficient than the existing shifting cultivation practices. This agricultural shift boosted productivity and enabled surplus generation, which was crucial for state consolidation and administrative growth. To harness these gains, the Ahoms established tributary relationships with the subjugated tribes-sometimes through negotiation and assimilation but often through coercion and warfare, reducing indigenous communities to a semi-servile status. As part of this evolving structure, Sukapha institutionalized compulsory personal service, requiring tribal members to provide essential goods and services such as-food, water, fuel, and produce to the ruling elite. This practice formed the precursor to the Paik system. (Baruah, 1986, p. 391)

In essence, the Paik system resembled institutionalized serfdom. While it included certain legal safeguards and participatory provisions, its structural rigidity, economic exploitation, and restrictions on personal freedom reinforced the paik’s subordinate position within the socio-political framework of medieval Assam. (Gogoi J., 2002, pp. 123-124)

6. Conclusion

The Paik system formed the backbone of the Ahom state’s socio-economic and administrative organization, creating a disciplined labour force that served in both civil and military capacities. Paiks were divided into various categories-such as Chamuas, Kanris, and members of professional khels-each performing specialized roles essential to state functions. While all paiks were bound by compulsory service, they were also granted certain privileges, including allotments of land for subsistence, the right to appeal against oppressive officials, and the possibility of promotion based on merit. However, these rights operated within a rigid framework that limited economic freedom and mobility. Professional khels often enjoy relative autonomy and higher status, whereas ordinary paiks remained closely tied to the state, their lives governed by regulations that left minimal chance for upward movement. This system fostered a sense of interdependence and collective responsibility, yet it also reinforced a strict social hierarchy and economic stagnation. Ultimately, the dual nature of the Paik system-offering both structural privileges and systemic constraints-defined the lived experience of the paiks, who, while integral to state functioning, remained subordinate within the broader socio-political order.

References

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4. Baruah, S. (1993). Last days of ahom monarchy. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Pvt Ltd.